Why young East German voters support the far-right AfD | Germany| News and in-depth reporting from Berlin and beyond | DW

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Final Sunday’s election victory for the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in Saxony-Anhalt was reassuring for Germany’s centrist mainstream events, but it surely additionally carried an undercurrent that disturbed them: As soon as the pollsters had collated the numbers, it emerged that the far-right Different for Germany (AfD) had come first amongst voters beneath 30: One in 5 of voters born after 1991 voted for the AfD.

So what occurred?

Kerstin Völkl, political scientist and election researcher in Saxony-Anhalt’s greatest metropolis, Halle, seen that the AfD appeared to have a greater technique for younger voters. “They tried to create a ‘caring’ image, that they were trying to get closer to young people’s problems,” she advised DW. 

She additionally famous that the AfD was the one social gathering to ship customized letters to all first-time voters within the Saxony-Anhalt’s capital Magdeburg.

“Yes, that’s true,” mentioned Jan Wenzel Schmidt in his workplace in Saxony-Anhalt’s state parliament. “And you see that it had a certain success,” he added with a smile. 

Schmidt is head of AfD’s youth group in Saxony-Anhalt, the Junge Different, which had a hand in creating the social gathering’s election technique. Regardless of its small membership of solely 160 individuals, the group made a degree of campaigning noisily on the streets of Magdeburg within the last days of the marketing campaign. 

Schmidt represents the AfD’s bold new technology — and maybe it is a signal of how a lot inventory the social gathering has put in individuals his age that the 29-year-old is now operating for the Bundestag as one of many first on the social gathering’s candidate checklist. His step as much as Berlin in September is nearly sure.

Youngsters by fountain in main square of Saxony-Anhalt's capital Magdeburg

Children in Saxony-Anhalt’s capital of Magdeburg have extra recreation alternatives than these in ill-developed rural areas

However for now, Schmidt stays an area politician, and the native Magdeburger is satisfied that the Saxony-Anhalt AfD did properly final Sunday as a result of it knew what has been bothering Saxony-Anhalt’s youth prior to now 12 months: Primarily, restrictions on freedom imposed for a virus that many younger individuals do not imagine can hurt them.

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These restrictions exacerbated the bigger drawback that impacts poor, sparsely populated areas: The continual lack of infrastructure, particularly public transport (there are villages in Saxony-Anhalt that actually have two bus companies per day) and what is perhaps referred to as “social infrastructure”: Particularly youth golf equipment, as soon as a staple a part of many jap German communities. 

“The younger generation is fundamentally disadvantaged because a lot of the investments that are made don’t reach young people anymore,” mentioned Schmidt. “I saw it myself: When I was growing up in Magdeburg in the 90s, there were a lot of youth clubs, places for young people to go. They’ve all disappeared.”

Younger and upset

Although he and the AfD are political opponents, Johannes Walter of the Kinder und Jugendring, Saxony-Anhalt’s umbrella group for dozens of youth help organizations, complains about this too. “The support for local youth work in Saxony-Anhalt was massively cut in 2014, and has not been raised significantly since,” he advised DW. “In the meantime, running costs and salaries have risen, so all the youth clubs have successively had to shut down.”

Observers have famous that the AfD has managed to current itself because the social gathering that cares about this help community, although others who work with younger individuals in Magdeburg suppose the reply is way easier. The social gathering doesn’t have to current its platform in any manner in any respect: Voters merely undertaking their very own dissatisfaction onto the social gathering.

“All you have to do is look at the AfD’s campaign posters,” mentioned David Begrich, of the anti-racism marketing campaign group Miteinander (“Together”). “They were just two red arrows pointing at the other parties’ posters, with the slogan: ‘You had 30 years’ time’. That isn’t any kind of political program, it’s just the expression of an emotion.”

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Saxony Anhalt CDU and AfD posters

The AfD took different events’ marketing campaign posters and added their slogan: ‘You had 30 years’ time’

A technology seeking an id

That emotion is frustration, and it sits deep when there’s nothing to do, you’ll be able to’t afford a automotive, and there are solely two buses a day. However there are poor, annoyed younger individuals in rural western Germany too — so why do not they vote for the AfD in the identical numbers?

Miteinander organizes college workshops each week with younger individuals in each jap and western Germany, and, based on Begrich, there is a vital distinction in ranges of self-confidence. “I experience young people from the West as much more articulate and communicative, more self-assured when meeting strangers,” he mentioned.

He believes there may be, even after 30 years of reunified Germany, a definite East German id that’s being inherited by youthful individuals — even these (or possibly particularly these) who’ve moved West to review and work after which returned of their 20s and 30s. 

“We see young people who are very strongly in search of an identity,” Begrich added. “We’ve noticed that young people and young adults are increasingly turning back to the issue of East Germany and East German identity. I see it in my own daughter, she’s 18, but she sees herself in contrast to West Germans.” 

Devastating demographics

The insecurity additionally explains the devastating demographics of the previous East: Saxony-Anhalt has misplaced absolutely 1 / 4 of its inhabitants since 1990, largely from its rural areas, and those that have moved away are the younger, well-educated individuals — amongst them many ladies. 

The older technology has been left behind. “And young men with a lower level of education,” mentioned Völkl. “And they’ve internalized that status — and they notice it, that they’ve ended up on the losing side. That makes you more open for populist and authoritarian tones.”

Though jap Germany is slowly catching up with the west by sure financial measures (GDP, common salaries), that new prosperity is simply that: New. It has not but been accrued. The typical web fortunes of jap Germans stays lower than half that of western Germans, which implies that younger jap Germans do not inherit what their western counterparts do. 

Overlooking racism

In opposition to that financial background, the elephant within the room — the AfD’s rising right-wing radicalism — weighs much less closely amongst voters.

“First of all, racism and right-wing extremism just aren’t as much of a taboo as in the East, and there’s a different relationship to freedom of speech,” mentioned Begrich. “Students in the school projects I do often say to me: ‘I think Adolf Hitler was a great politician — he built the autobahn and gave many workers work — and that’s my opinion, and we live in a free country and I can express my opinion.'” 

So what do you do when a teen tells you one thing like that? “Well, the main thing is to counter it with facts, and express my belief that Hitler was a criminal,” he mentioned. “Too often we see that far-right opinions aren’t being contradicted — instead, we see people say, ‘oh well, that’s just your opinion’.”

Kerstin Völkl of Halle College believes there’s much less sensibility amongst younger jap Germans for the significance of each democracy itself and the way essential a functioning civil society is for democracy. ”And then they fail to recognize what a danger far-right tendencies present,” she mentioned.

When you’re right here: Each Tuesday, DW editors spherical up what is occurring in German politics and society, with a watch towards understanding this 12 months’s elections and past. You’ll be able to enroll right here for the weekly electronic mail e-newsletter Berlin Briefing, to remain on prime of developments as Germany enters the post-Merkel period.